II. APOLLONIUS DAUS, Governor of Cœle-Syria, and General of Demetrius Nicanor’s Armies, the Son of Demetrius Soter; having abandoned the party of Alexander Balas, and gone over to Demetrius Nicanor, he put himself at the head of a powerful Army, in order to compel the Jews to declare for Demetrius. He incamped at Jamnia, and wrote to Jonathan Maccabæus Prince of the Jews, challenging him to descend into the plain, and reproaching him for continuing among rocks and mountains for no other reason, but because he was sensible that he was not strong enough to encounter him in the open field1. Jonathan stung with these reproaches, took his Brother Simon with him, and ten thousand chosen troops, and set down before Joppa. The Garrison, which was composed of Apollonius’s troops, shut the gates against him. But the Citizens seeing Jonathan was preparing to force them, opened the gates, and received him into the City.
Apollonius being informed that Jonathan had made himself master of Joppa, advanced as far Azotus with three thousand horse, and eight thousand foot; having besides left a thousand horse in ambuscade near a brook to fall upon the Jews in their rear. But Jonathan having got intelligence of the design, ranged his troops in such a manner, that they could face the enemy on every side, and forbad them to stir out of their ranks; commanding them to stand firm, and receive the first onset of the enemy. Apollonius’s horse were tiring themselves all day with throwing darts and arrows against Jonathan’s troops, who received them on their bucklers, and were very little incommoded by them: towards the evening Jonathan gave orders to charge the Enemy; the horse fled, and the infantry was entirely defeated. Some of those who escaped threw themselves into the Temple of Dagon, near Azotus; thither Jonathan pursued them, and burnt them, with the Temple. He took likewise the City of Azotus, pillaged and set fire to it. In this Action Apollonius lost eight thousand men. Upon this victory Alexander Balas bestowed new favours, and new praises, upon Jonathan. He sent him a golden buckle, such as the King’s relations wear, and gave him the property of Accaron.
Observations on Jonathan’s victory over Apollonius. 1 Macc. x.Jonathan’s behaviour in this Action, and the excellent disposition of his troops, shewed abundance of intrepidity and skill, and is a demonstration that a body of foot drawn up very deep, with close ranks and files, is always of advantage, (let the situation of the Country where they are obliged to engage be what it will,) either against horse, which seems so formidable in plains; or against foot, if the Enemy does not attack in the like order. Jonathan being convinced of this truth, and of Apollonius’s ignorance, who was General of King Demetrius’s Army, the number and forces whereof he despised, made it evident to him in this Action, that he would sustain the effort of the horse, which Apollonius represented to be so terrible, telling 1 Macc. x. 73.Jonathan, with some surprize at his daring resolution, in determining to keep the field, Wherefore now thou shalt not be able to abide the horsemen, and so great a power in the plain, where is neither stone nor flint, nor place to flee unto. We may read the commendations which this General gives himself, in the Author above-cited, which have a great air of rodomontade. The brave Israelite soon undeceived him, and made it appear clearly to him Ver. 74.that a small number is more to be valued than one more considerable, when a man of ability takes upon him the conduct of them.
Jonathan took the field with a body of ten thousand men, and was joined by his Brother Simon with the troops, in all probability, which were under his command. Simon his Brother met him for to help him. Which words are not to be understood with relation to his own person only, but to the union of his troops with those headed by his Brother. Apollonius upon receiving this piece of news, marched as if he were going to Azotus, and on a sudden led his Army into the plain, because his horse were numerous, in which he principally confided. Jonathan, who had none, followed him to Azotus, and there the two Armies engaged.
Apollonius, who knew the intrepidity of the Jewish General, laid a thousand men in ambush for him, and posted them behind Jonathan in his march: He had intelligence of what was done, but took no great notice of it, so that on a sudden he saw himself in the midst of the enemy attacked in front and rear, and on all sides. Circuierunt castra ejus: these words would be very perplexing to me in what I have to say farther, if the Benedictine Commentator did not inform me, that castra signifies the Army; for it is sufficiently manifest from what the Author of the Book of Maccabees says, that the Jews did not incamp since the combat began as soon as the two Armies came in sight of each other: this is demonstration. Dom. Calmet in his Comment cites Josephus, who explains the text of this place after another manner; and in my judgment with reason; it is likewise upon the credit of this Historian, whose truth and reputation are generally acknowledged, that I regulate the disposition of the two Armies. Josephus’s words therefore are these2, Jonathan discovering the enemy behind him was not at all disturbed at it, but having drawn up his troops in a square battalion, (literally speaking like a Tile, according to the form of the Macedonian Phalanx) he commanded them to face the enemy every way. From hence it would appear, that he formed an oblong Square of a very great depth, that is to say, a Phalanx-doubled. Apollonius fearing lest his Phalanx might recoil against this impenetrable mass of infantry, endeavoured to break through it with his cavalry by attacking it on all sides, in order afterwards to cut them in pieces with his Foot, if the horse could once disorder them. But he was mistaken, for he met with equal force and valour in this enormous mass of combatants, notwithstanding the showers of ar rows which were let fly against them; and this particular leaves me no room to question that the archers were dispos’d on every side. These words, like a tile, evidently shew, that the Jews made use of their bucklers like Antony’s foot in his retreat, when he was upon his expedition against the Parthians; that is to say, they formed as it were a wood of this defensive kind of arms: this literally speaking is without contest the Testudo; and the word tile sufficiently proves that it was an oblong square.
There is here one considerable difficulty from which it will be hard to disengage ourselves. The Author of this book says not a word relating to the place where Simon was with his troops. He was therefore detached from his Brother: where was he then? Was not the whole Jewish Army surrounded? Simon notwithstanding brings on his troops, and attacks the foot, or phalanx of the Enemy, because the horse were already fatigued; and having broken them, put them to flight. Let us clear this point a little, for it was not possible he should be separated from his Brother: the truth of the matter is this; the foot being as much tired as the horse who surrounded them, lost all patience, moved, and quitting their first post marched up to the phalanx, and falling with all their weight upon it, broke and routed it. And as Simon drew up in the rear of his Brother’s Infantry, he found he was opposite to the Enemy’s phalanx, which he therefore charged, while Jonathan faced the Cavalry and Archers. I think I am right in my argument, and that my conjecture is more than probable; which is all that I propose to aim at. If the Author of this Book had reported this affair not altogether so obscurely, we should have discoursed more pertinently concerning it.
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